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The Cult of Othin

By: H.M. Chadwick

 

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Chapter 3

THE INTRODUCTION OF THE CULT INTO THE NORTH.

SINCE the appearance of H. Petersen's book, Om Nordboernes Gudekyrkelse og Gudetro i Hedenold (1876), it has been generally agreed that the cult of Othin was not indigenous in the North. The date of its introduction is however very difficult to fix, even approximately. Among recent writers Goither (Mythologie, p. 223) holds that this took place at all events before 800; while Mogk (Paul's Grundriss, I. p. 1070) believes that it came to the Saxons before they settled in Britain (in the fifth century), and passed over to the North, not much later, by way of Denmark; Othin however did not become the central point of the Northern mythology before the Viking Age (ib. p. 1063). By an examination of all the available evidence it might perhaps be possible to arrive at a somewhat more definite result.

1. The name "Othin" (Ë­inn from earlier W÷­enas).

It is clear that this word must have become known to the Scandinavians at a time when the loss of the sound w- before labial vowels bad not yet ceased to operate. The loss of this sound brought about the disuse of the letter w in the Runic alphabet. For the name of the letter was probably * wunju (cf. O.E. wyn), which later became sounded *unju (1); the letter u therefore took the place of w. The earliest certain example of this substitution occurs in the inscription of Kallerup, which has the form sui■ks for swi­ings. A probable example of the sound-change is supplied by the form urti in the inscription of S÷lvesborg. (2) Wimmer dates the inscription of S÷lvesborg at about 750Ś775 and that of Kallerup at about 800Ś825. I am under the impression that Wimmer's dating of the inscriptions is in all cases somewhat too late. In the present case however that is of little importance. The loss of the sound w- took place at all events after the syncope of final -a, and this latter change is not likely to have taken place before the beginning of the sixth century, and may be somewhat later. The word Ë­inn therefore can not prove the existence of the cult before the sixth century at the earliest.

2. The legends of Othin-heroes.

The antiquity of some of these legends is shown by their appearance in Beowulf, a poem which deals almost exclusively with Scandinavian affairs. Beowulf's acquaintance with Scandinavian history does not extend to events which happened later than the first half of the sixth century, and it may be assumed with a certain amount of probability that legends, which appear in the poem, were already current by this time either among the English or among some of the Northern peoples. 

i. The story of Sigrnundr, son of V÷lsungr. It has long been recognised that the cult of Otbin is an essential feature in the history of the V÷lsung family (ef. MŘllenhoff, Z. f. d. A. XXXIII. 116 ff.). This is true above all in the case of Sigmundr. Othin gives Sigmundr a sword with which he is always victorious until his last battle, when the sword breaks on Othin's javelin (cf. p. 16). In the Eireksmßl Sigmundr is represented, together with Sinfi÷tli (his son by his son Signř), as welcoming Eirekr at the gates of Valh÷ll. Reference is made in Beowulf (875 ff) to legends about Sigemund and Fitela (i.e. Sinfi÷tli), though it is stated only that the latter was the son of Sigemund's sister, (3) not of Sigemund himself. The evidence is however hardly conclusive for proving that Othinheroes were known to the Danes at this time; for Beowulf is an English poem, and the legend, which seems not to have been Scandinavian originally, might have been known to the poet before it came to the Danes.

ii. Hermˇ­r. This hero is mentioned together with Sigmundr in Hundluliˇ­ 2 :Ś" He (Othin) gave Hermˇ­r a helmet and coat of mail, and Sigmundr a sword." (4) Hermˇ­r therefore, like Sigmundr, appears to have been under Othin's special protection. In Hßkonarmßl Hermˇ­r together with Bragi welcomes Hßkon at the gates of Valh÷ll, discharging therefore the duty which in Eireksmßl is allotted to Sigmundr. Legends about this hero must once have existed, but now his name is only known from these two passages. It is Unnecessary for the present purpose to discuss the question whether he is really identical with the god Hermˇ­r who is mentioned in the account of Balder's death (Gylf. 49). The latter seems to be the Hermˇ­r to whom reference is made in S÷gubrot at fornkonungum 3 (F. A. S. I. 373). It is noticeable that in both the passages in which his name occurs, Hermˇ­r is associated, either directly or implicitly, not only with Othin but also with Sigmundr. Now in Beowulf, 898 ff, Sigemund is compared with a certain Heremod, who, like Hermˇ­r appears to have been a great warrior. Since the names Hermˇ­r and Herem÷d are identical, and both occur in conjunction with Sigmundr- Sigemund, it is very probable that they denote the same person. in that case there is evidence in Beowulf for the existence of another Othin-hero. This case also is not open to the same objection as that of Sigmundr, for it is quite clear from Beowulf 913, 1709 if., that Heremod was regarded as a Danish king, though belonging to a past generation.

iii. Starka­r This hero was regarded by the Danes as the typical servant of Othin (cf. p. 71). His story has acquired mythological features, but there seems to be a certain amount of historical foundation for that part of his career, in which he is associated with the Danish kings Frˇ­i (Frotho) and Ingialdr (Ingellus). Now the episode in which Starcatherus incites Ingellus to murder the sons of Suertingus (Saxo VI. pp. 303Ś315), cannot be separated from Beowuif's account of the old warrior (eald ťsowiga), who goads Ingeld into revenge (2041 ff.). The warrior's name is not mentioned in Beowulf, but there can be little doubt that he is identical with Starcatherus. His position differs from that of Sigemund and Heremod in that he is represented as a contemporary of Beowulf, while the others are already heroes of the past. He belongs to the Hea­obeardnas, a tribe which has not been successfully identified; yet since Frotho and Ingellus appear in Saxo as Danish kings, it is probable that the Hea­obeardnas were nothing more than a division of the Danes, and that their war with the Scyldingas was dynastic rather than national. It is impossible to suppose that Starcatherus (Starka­r) was regarded by Saxo and the Norse writers otherwise than as a Scandinavian hero. It is to be observed also that in Saxo Starcatherus is not represented as the introducer of a new cult, but, on the contrary, as an essentially conservative character. It is reasonable therefore to suppose that the cult of Othin was in existence before his time.

On the whole therefore the acquaintance of Beowuif with the Othin-heroes Sigmundr and Hermˇ­r and with a person who seems at a later time to have developed into the Othinhero Starka­r, renders it probable that the cult of Othin was already known to the Danes in the first half of the sixth century.

3. The institutions and customs associated with the cult of Othin.

i. Sacrificial hanging. It has been shown that the custom of hanging is known to Beowuif both in the case of enemies captured in war (cf. p. 18), and apparently also in cases of natural or accidental death (cf. p. 38 t). In the former case the practice is attributed to the Swedish king Ougentheo, whose death, judging from Beowulf, would seem to have taken place about the end of the fifth century. It has further been pointed out (p. 17 f.) that the practice of hanging, as a distinctly sacrificial act, is attributed to the Scandinavians by Procopius, who says that human victims are sacrificed in this and other ways to "Ares." It has often been supposed that the god here meant is Třr; but there is little evidence in favour of such an assumption. Třr is an unimportant figure in the northern mythology, and there is no record of human sacrifices being offered to him. The sacrifice by hanging is never mentioned in connection with any other god than Othin, Thor's victims being put to death in an entirely different manner cf. p. 19). That "Ares" might be used for Othin is shown, not only by the fact that Othin was regarded as the giver of victory, but also by Saxo's use of "Mars" in the same sense cf. p. 18, n. 3). Procopius' information was perhaps derived from those Eruli who had been in "Thule." Together with the passage from Beowulf quoted above, his account renders it probable that the cult of Othin was practised in the North about the beginning of the sixth century.

ii. Weapons and tactics in warfare. There is a very strong resemblance between the method of warfare attributed to Othin's heroes in Ynglinga s. 6 and the method practised by the Eruli in the sixth century (cf. p. 39 f.). In its main features also this method of warfare seems to have resembled that practised by the ancient Germans of Tacitus' time. The absence of defensive armour is a distinctive feature in all these cases. Further the "wedge" formation, which was greatly practised by the ancient Germans, was believed by the Scandinavians to be an invention of Othin's (cf. p. 21). Among the ancient Germans the absence of defensive armour is in all probability to be attributed to the difficulty experienced in obtaining it. With the Eruli of the fifth and sixth centuries this can hardly have been the case; their reluctance to use armour must have been based, at least in part, on religious grounds (cf. p. 40). This association however between religion and the custom of fighting unprotected would rather seem to show that the cult had been known at a time when defensive armour had not yet come into use. Now, if, on the same principle, we are justified in assuming that the equipment attributed to Othin's heroes in Ynglinga saga shows that, at the time when the cult was introduced, defensive armour was still unknown, then the introduction of the cult can hardly be dated later than the beginning of the fifth century. For the discoveries at ThorsbjŠrg and Nydam (cf. p. 62) show that both the helmet and coat of mail were known to the inhabitants of Slesvig and southern Jutland during the fourth century, and also that by the same time the sword and the long spear bad, to a great extent, taken the place of the javelin. Weapons used in Slesvig during the fourth century could hardly fail to be known in Sweden within the space of another hundred years. (5)

Lastly it perhaps deserves notice that the "runes" are frequently mentioned in connection with Othin, not merely in the sense of "mysteries," but also as denoting the written characters. There seem to be traces of a similar association of ideas amongst the ancient English (cf. p. 29). Unfortunately however the age of the Runic inscriptions in the North is still a matter of dispute. On the whole it seems probable that the oldest inscriptions of Sweden and Norway are not later than the fifth century. This however gives no indication of the date at which writing was introduced. It is not likely that a single inscription in England dates from within a hundred and fifty years of the first invasion; there are only two which have any reasonable claim to be dated before A.D. 650. The case of the socalled "tree-runes" may be compared. There can be little doubt that they are pan-Germanic; yet there is no certain example of their use in the North until late in the Viking age. Hence even if none of the extant Runic inscriptions prove to be earlier than the beginning of the sixth century, it is likely enough that the alphabet was known two or three centuries earlier.

The results of this discussion may be briefly summarised as follows: There is good reason, from several different sides, for believing that the cult of Othin was known in the North at the beginning of the sixth century; the positive evidence for proving an acquaintance with the cult before this time is not strong; but on the other hand there is no evidence whatever to the contrary.

In Tacitus' account the Swedes (Suiones) present a striking contrast to all the other nations of Germany. After describing the construction of their ships he proceeds (Germ. 44):Ś" These people pay respect even to wealth. The power is therefore vested in one man. Here there are no reservations; his claim to obedience does not rest merely on sufferance. Nor are weapons to be seen in every man's hand, as is the case with the rest of the Germans. On the contrary they are kept stored away in the charge of a slave." (6) The state of society here depicted is clearly incompatible with the existence of such a cult as that of Othin, which could hardly flourish except under conditions of chronic warfare. (7) On the other hand it corresponds excellently with the peace and plenty and the semipriestly government, which, accordiug to Ynglinga s. 12, marked the days of Fr÷. It is not quite clear whether Tacitus' information was recent. It might possibly be based on stories heard by the members of Drusus' and Germanicus' expeditions in the early part of the century. On the whole, however, it seems likely that his information was derived through quite a different channel. He passes on to the Suiones, not by way of the Elbe tribes, but by a much more eastern course. The tribes mentioned last before the Suionee are the Gotones, Rugii and Lemouii; after the Suiones he passes immediately to the Aestii. Hence it is not improbable that he derived his information from Nero's agent, who had been sent (apparently by way of Carnuntum) to examine the amber coasts. Tacitus' information will therefore apply to a period shortly after the middle of the first century. Therefore, if any reliance is to be placed on his account, the cult of Othin can not have been known to the Swedes before about A.D. 50.

It has been shown above that the cult of Othin must, in all probability, have been known to the Swedes by about A.D. 500, and that its introduction apparently did not take place before about A.D. 50. For the attainment of a more definite answer there appears to be but one argument available, and this too is one which is usually regarded with the utmost scepticism. Can the introduction of the cult have synchronised with the introduction of the practice of cremation? It has already been mentioned (p. 22) that in Ynglinga s. 8 the institution of cremation is attributed to Othin :Ś" He ordained that all dead men should be burnt and brought on to the pyre with their property," etc. I can not see that there is any great inherent improbability in such an assumption. For the practice of burning the dead seems to point towards a view of immortality which was altogether inconsistent with the popular Scandinavian belief. According to this belief the souls of the dead were supposed to live on in the howe in which they were buried. In several cases the ghost is represented as defending his treasure, when the howe is broken open. The howe seems to have been situated close to the family dwelling, and the ancestral spirits were believed to exercise a beneficent influence over the fortunes of the family. Offerings appear to have been paid to them, especially, it would seem, with the view of obtaining fertility for the land. It may be objected that the continuance of the soul's life in the howe would not be affected by the burning of the body. But the souls of those who were burnt according to the ordinances of Othin, were supposed to pass to Valh÷ll. The two conceptions are entirely different; for Valh÷ll was regarded as far away. In S÷gubrot af fornkonungum 9 Hringr gives Haraldr a chariot and horse, in order that he may ride or drive to Valh÷ll (cf. p. 22 f.). So also in Ynglinga s. 10 Othin, when dying, "said that he was about to journey to Go­heimr and greet his friends there. The Swedes now thought that he had come into the ancient ┴sgar­r and would there live for ever." The view expressed in this passage may of course have been influenced to some extent by Christian ideas. Yet, that Valh÷ll was regarded as far away, may be inferred from another passage in the same saga (c. 13) :Ś" When all the Swedes knew that Fr÷ was dead, but plenty and peace continued, they believed that this would last as long as Fr÷ was in Sweden; so they would not burn him, but they called him the god of the world and sacrificed to him ever afterwards for plenty and peace." (8) In the preceding chapter it is stated that Fr÷ was laid in a howe. The view of Fr÷'s immortality here expressed is identical with the belief in the continued life of the spirits in the family howe. The reluctance of the Swedes to burn Fr÷ is attributed to their belief that, if this took place, he would no longer be with them, but would pass to some other place. There can scarcely be any doubt, in view of what is stated of Othin and Ni÷r­r, that Valh÷ll is the place meant. But if this belief prevailed in the case of Fr÷, is there any adequate reason for doubting the existence of a similar belief in the case of the family manes? If not, the introduction of cremation can be explained only by supposing that a revolution had taken place in the Scandinavian view of immortality.

Icelandic writers were under the erroneous impression that the practice of burning the body was older than the practice of howe burial. Thus in the Preface to Heimskringla it is stated :Ś" The first age is called the age of burning; all dead men had then to be burnt and 'bauta' - '-stones raised to their memory. But after Fr÷ had been 'howe-laid' at Upsala, many princes raised bowes no less than bauta-stones in memory of their kinsmen. But after Danr the Proud, King of the Danes, had had a howe made for him, and given orders that after his death he should be brought there with his royal equipment and armour, and his horse with its harness, and much treasure besides, many members of his family did so afterwards; and the age of howe-burial began in Denmark. But the age of burning continued much later among the Swedes and Norwegians." (9) According to Ynglinga saga three of the first nine Swedish kings after Fr÷ were cremated, namely Vanlandi, Dˇmarr and Agni, besides one, VÝsburr, who was burnt alive. The first kings who are stated to have been 'howe-laid' are Alfr and Yngvi, grandsons of Agni; after this howeburial is frequently mentioned. On the other hand, no king is burnt after Agni except Haki (c. 27), who did not belong to the native dynasty; in his case the cremation, took place on a ship. The evidence of Ynglinga saga therefore agrees with the statement in the Preface. Yet the evidence of the monuments has made it clear that howe-burial, in one form or another, was practised from the very earliest timesŚ before the use of any metal was known, whereas cremation first makes its appearance comparatively late in the age of bronze. The statements of the ancient writers however appear to contain a certain amount of truth. Burning, which towards the close of the bronze age, and for some time after the first appearance of iron, appears to have been practically universal, again seems to be partially displaced by howe-burial in the course of the early iron age. The ancient writers were mistaken only in supposing that the practice was new. In reality it was a return to the old native custom. It is possible that the old custom was resumed among the Swedish royal family earlier than elsewhere on account of their traditional relationship to Fr÷.

I would not, of course, be prepared to go so far as to say that howe-burial was always associated with the cult of Fr÷ and the manes. In the S÷gubrot of fornkonungum Haraldr Hildit÷nn is howe-laid, though at the same time it is explicitly stated that he is expected to go to Valh÷ll. (10) In later times the once intimate association between cremation and the cult of Othin may have been in part forgotten. This may have been due to the combination into one system of the cults of Othin and of Fr÷. That they were originally quite distinct, and that the latter was the earlier of the two, there can hardly be any serious doubt. It is likely that a reminiscence of the struggle between the two cults is preserved in the story of the war between the Aesir and the Vanir (cf. Golther, Mythologie, p. 222 f.).

The data available for ascertaining the period at which cremation began to be practised in the North, are very scanty. It is agreed that cremation was known before the introduction of iron. According to Montelius (Civilisation of Sweden, p. 46; cf. Nordisk Tidskrift, 1884, p. 25) the age of bronze in the North lasted from about B. C. 1500 to about B.C. 500, iron first coming into use about the latter date. Since cremation belongs roughly to the latter half of this period, its introduction, according to Montelius' calculation, will have taken place about B. C. 1000. If this calculation is correct, the introduction of the practice of cremation can not have been due to the cult of Othin; for the latter seems not to have been known to the Swedes at the beginning of the present era. But there seems to be considerable doubt as to whether Montelius' conclusions are correct. Worsaae's calculations (Prehistory of the North, p. 75) differ from those of Montelius by at least 500 years. He holds (Prehistory, p. 113) that there is scarcely sufficient evidence for the existence of an iron-culture in full force even in Denmark during the first century of the present era. In reality the first antiquities, to which an approximate date can be assigned with any degree of probability, are the articles found in the bogs of ThorsbjŠrg and Nydam. These deposits are attributed by Montelius (Nordisk Tidskrift, 1884, p. 25) to the third century, by Wimmer (Runenschrift, p. 302 f.) to the beginning of the fifth century. We shall probably not go very far wrong in concluding that they belong to about the fourth century. These deposits prove the existence at this time of a fully developed iron culture in South Jutland. At ThorsbjŠrg many sword-hilts and spear-shafts were found, though the iron was all decomposed.

The Nydam deposit contained over a hundred swords and from five to six hundred spearheads. The shafts of the spears varied from eight to ten feet in length (cf. Engelhardt, Denmark in the Early Iron Age, pp. 52 f., 57). Iron had therefore completely displaced bronze as a material for weapons. But this can not prove that iron was known more than two hundred years earlier. For the transition from the exclusive use of bronze to a fully developed iron equipment two centuries is an ample allowance. In South Jutland therefore the age of bronze may have lasted till the beginning of the second century. There is nothing improbable in such an assumption. Among the Germans with whom Tacitus was acquainted, presumably those living between the Rhine and the Elbe, in the latter part of the first century, the iron-culture was by no means so far developed as among the South Jutlanders in the fourth century. He says distinctly (Germ. 6) that iron was not plentiful; consequently few of them possessed swords or long spears; the usual weapon was a javelin with a short and thin iron head. Beyond the Eider the equipment may well have been still more primitive. It is not unlikely that the "short swords" (breues gladii) used by the eastern tribes (Gotones, Rugii, Lemouii; Germ. 43) were made of bronze. But if bronze was still used by the inhabitants of the southern and south-western coasts of the Baltic up to the end of the first or the beginning of the second century, it is likely enough that another century may have elapsed before iron came into anything like general use in Sweden. I can not see that there is any improbability in supposing that the iron age proper did not begin in Sweden before the third century. It has been mentioned above that the western Germans of Tacitus' time were still in what may be called a rudimentary iron age. But among the Slavs in the sixth century the iron-culture appears to have been no further developed than among Tacitus' Germans. Like the latter they carried no arms except a shield and javelin (Procopius, Gothic War, in. 14). This illustrates the slowness with which the knowledge of the metals travelled. The original home of the Slavs lay no further from the boundaries of Roman civilisation than did that of the Swedes, though in the case of the Slavs there was of course a racial barrier to be overcome. Taking all considerations together, it seems to me probable that the degree of progress in the knowledge of the metals, which we find among the western Germans in the first century, and among the Slavs in the sixth century, is scarcely likely to have been reached by the Swedes before the third or fourth century. Isolated iron weapons may of course have penetrated occasionally to the North before this time. (11) Yet this is not enough to constitute even a rudimentary iron age in the true sense.

Between the adoption of the practice of cremation and the beginning of the rudimentary iron-culture some considerable time must have elapsed; but the calculation of centuries in such a case can be nothing more than mere guess-work. If the rudimentary iron-culture began in the third century, it is by no means impossible that the adoption of cremation took place in the first century. Hence if cremation is to be associated in any way with the cult of Othin, it is during the latter part of the first century that we must suppose the cult to have been introduced into Sweden. This hypothesis receives some slight support from a statement in Tacitus (Germ. 40). He says that seven northern tribes worshipped the goddess Nerthus, i.e. Mother Earth, "on an island in the ocean." There can be no serious doubt that this goddess Nerthus is closely related to the Scandinavian god Ni÷r­r. A rite very similar to that described by Tacitus was practised by the Swedes in connection with the worship of Fr÷ (Freyr) the son of Ni÷r­r The festival of Nerthus was accompanied by a holy peace; wars were not undertaken, and weapons were put away; "peace and quiet are then only known and loved" until the goddess returns to her temple. From this description it seems likely enough that the cult of Woden-Othin prevailed among these tribes, but that it was combined to some extent with the older cult of Nerthus-Ni÷r­r. Since Ni÷r­r and Fr÷ were essentially gods of peace, it is probable that the holy peace which was kept at certain seasons (perhaps the new year), was a survival from this earlier cult. Now it has been rashly assumed by many writers that the island on which the temple stood was necessarily situated in the North Sea. But there is absolutely no evidence for this assumption; in cc. 43, 44 "oceanus" is clearly used of parts of the Baltic. There is no island in the North Sea large enough to fulfil the conditions required in Germ. 40. Hence Much (P.B.B. XVII. 196 ff.) and Sarazzin (Anglia, XIX. 384) have conjectured with great probability that the island mentioned by Tacitus is in reality the island of Seeland. If this is really the case, and if in Tacitus' time the cult of Woden-Othin bad already made its way so far north, there is nothing strange in supposing that it may have become known to the Swedes in the course of the next generation.

The conclusions attained in the course of this discussion may be briefly summarised as follows :Ś[1] The cult of Othin was in all probability known in the North at the beginning of the sixth century; there is no reason for supposing that it was then new. [2] The cult does not seem to have been practised by the Swedes in the first half-century of the present era. [3] If the adoption of cremation was due to the cult of Othin, the cult can hardly have been introduced into Sweden later than the end of the first century.

Notes:

1. The regular form in the later language would be *yn, but the word is lost.

2. The right reading may however be Ruti.

3. l. 881. earn his nefan.

4. gaf hann Hermˇ­i hißlm ok bryniu en Sigmendi sver­ at ■iggia.

5. The argument is of course, not conclusive. The description of Othin's equipment might also be due to a tradition imported from abroad simultaneously with the cult. The latter explanation would seem to necessitate the belief that the ritual use of the javelin was acquired together with the cult.

6. Est apud illos et opibus honos; eoque unus imperitat, nullis iam exceptionibus, non precario iure parendi. nec arma, ul apud ceteros Germanos, in promiscuo, sed clausa sub custode, et quidem seruo etc.

7. This is obvious from the accounts of all the great Othin-heroes, e.g. Sigmundr, Starka­r, Haraldr Hildit÷nn, Ragnar Lo­brˇk. Reference may be made also to the conduct of the Eruli, who according to Procopius (Gothic War, II. 14) compelled their king Rudolph to make war against the Laugobardi, though they brought forward no excuse except the fact that they had been without war for three years.

8. Ůß er allir SvÝar vissu at Freyr var dau­r, en hÚlzt ßr ok fri­r, ■ß tr˙­u ■eir at svß mundi vera, me­an Frejr vŠri ß SvÝ■iˇ­, ok vildu eigi brenna hann, ok k÷llu­u hann veraldar go­, blˇtu­u mest til ßrs ok fri­ar alla Švi si­an.

9. hin fyrsta ÷ld er k÷llu­ bruns÷ld, ■ß skyldi brenna alla dau­a menn ok reisa eptir bautasteina. en sÝ­an er Freyr haf­i heyg­r verit at Upps÷lum, ■ß ger­u margir h÷f­ingiar eigi sÝ­r hauga en bautasteina til minningar eptir frŠndr sÝns. en sÝ­an or Danr hiun mikillßti Danakonungr lÚt sÚr huag gera, oh bau­ sik ■angat bera dau­an me­ konangs skr˙­i ok herb˙na­i, ok hest hans me­ s÷­ulrei­i ok mikit fÚ annat, en hans Šttmenn ger­u margir svß sÝ­an, ok hˇfst ■ar haugs÷ld ■ar i Danm÷rk. en lengi sÝ­an hÚlst bruna÷ld me­ SvÝum ok Nor­m÷nnum.

10. According to Saxo's account he was cremated (cf. p. 22).

11. It is likely that for along time afterwards swords and other weapons were largely of foreign manufacture. Several of the swords found in the bogs of South Jutland bear Roman marks.

 
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